The unhappy saga of Fairus

The news that Mohd Fairus Khairuddin, the controversial former Penang deputy chief minister, has joined Umno brings to a close a saga in PKR that was emblematic of the problems faced by the party prior to and after the seismic general election of March 2008.

Desperately short of suitable candidates to stand in the election, PKR supremo Anwar Ibrahim had to settle on an unknown quantity in Fairus for the Penanti state seat in Penang, barely 48 hours before nomination day on Feb 20, 2008.

Penanti, one of three state wards in the parliamentary constituency of Permatang Pauh, then held by Anwar's wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, was won by PKR in the 1999 general election on the back of Malay voter resentment over Anwar's public humiliation by then prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

But PKR not only lost the seat in the 2004 general election, its defeated candidate, Anuar Shaari, went on to join dissident Ezam Mohd Noor in quitting the party and criticising it from outside.

Like Ezam, Anuar Shaari was an Anwar lieutenant who by turning turtle exacerbated Anwar's problem of a shortage of suitable Malay candidates.

Fairus came into the reckoning in the vacuum created by quislings and in face of the reluctance of potential candidates with superior credentials to enter the fray on account of the Barisan Nasional's strong showing in the 2004 general election.

Virtually nobody expected that the results of the 2008 general election would be radically different to the previous one. A reluctance to contest among opposition-leaning individuals had much to do with the as-yet unshattered myth of BN's invincibility.

But even given the power of that regnant myth, Fairus, a graduate in political science of the International Islamic University, and touted as a holder of double Master degrees, was the sort of fellow unfazed by the odds.

He had a track record, though one not known to PKR insiders, because none of them were from sports circles where the 30-something Fairus was already head of a silat society, one of many schools of the Malay martial art.

But unusual among such leaders, Fairus was ambitious for the unity of the various schools under one head - himself, of course.

His ability to speak English confidently and fluently enabled him to push himself forward in Olympic Council of Malaysia circles as the man who should be trusted to bring the various branches of silat, all zealous of their own turf, under one umbrella - with him as chief.

However, OCM officials became leery of him when his evident ambition was not matched by execution.

At an Olympic academy course in Kuala Lumpur to test young Malaysian sports leaders for selection to undergo a much-sought-after course at the International Olympic Committee's youth training academy in Greece, a keen-to-succeed Fairus was beaten to the top spot because of some flaws in his deportment, among them a lack of punctuality.

The great Malay hope

When the DAP swept all 19 state seats it contested in Penang in the 2008 general election, Anwar, with his keen antennae for what is felt by the Malay ground, took fright, especially after his candidate for deputy chief minister, Mansor Othman, was defeated in a sate ward in the parliamentary constituency of Balik Pulau, won by PKR's Yusmaidi Yusof.

Anwar must have felt that the Indian Muslim background of Abdul Malik Abul Kassim, PKR winner of the state seat of Batu Maung in the Bayan Baru constituency, was a disadvantage for the post of deputy chief minister to Lim Guan Eng, what with the rampant DAP performance and a consequent fear of Malay marginalisation.

Alas, the quintessential Umno attitude towards the ordinary Malay - that of feudal patron vis-à-vis ward - is a contagion that even Anwar, with a justifiable reputation as a transformative leader, is not entirely exempt from.

Thus an incontestably Malay, Fairus, was selected as PKR deputy chief minister, to assuage supposed Malay anxiety at what was felt to be incipient Chinese chauvinism. It was a choice that quickly turned out to be disastrous.

The Umno-stoked propaganda, abetted by the BN-controlled mainstream media, about newly-appointed Lim's threat to Malay interests within days led to a demonstration of Class F contractors at Komtar.

Lim took the bull by the horns by addressing the demonstrators, several hundred in number, by assuring them he had neither the power nor the intention of abolishing the category of Class F contractor, a group mandated by the law and confined to bumiputeras.

In the reckoning of those who watched Lim tackling the crowd, the DAP secretary-general had passed his first test of adversity as chief minister.

Inability to be punctual

Meanwhile, Fairus, the great Malay hope in the circumstances, proceeded to embarrass his party and the Pakatan Rakyat coalition that was empowered by the opposition triumph in Penang.

His inability to be punctual was the most troubling of his several defects. Nobody seemed to know for sure why he was often late. Initially, he was heard to offer the excuse that funerals kept him tied up but when it was suggested to him that a sympathy appearance was sufficient to satisfy bereaved constituents, he ran out of excuses.

A lack of punctuality, the high turnover rate among aides hired to help him, underperformance at his state executive portfolios, and his maladroit handling of the ensuing discontent over his shoddy performance, all combined to undermine the image of PKR in the state government.

His PKR colleagues in the state executive council, Malik and Law Choo Kiang, were deeply embarrassed by Fairus' poor performance and were exposed to the resultant, albeit largely unspoken, derision of their DAP colleagues.

Malik, in particular, was faulted for alleged undermining of Fairus, who responded to the criticisms of his performance by blaming bad-intentioned elements within the state PKR.

It was left to Anwar to solve the problem, triggered by an error of judgement on his part. He prevailed upon Fairus to resign which the latter did in mid-April 2009, after 13 tumultuous months as DCM.

In the ensuing by-election in late May 2009, PKR's Mansor Othman was elected and went on be sworn in as DCM, replacing Fairus.

It was said the change for the better was evident at the very first meeting of the state exco hours after Mansor was sworn in early June.

In fact, Mansor (right in photo) went into the meeting straight after his swearing-in at the governor's official residence.

In the telling of an attendee, the vast contrast between Fairus and Mansor was clear within minutes of the meeting's start. The PKR component immediately breathed a sight of relief and the brief and unhappy tenure of Fairus not only came to an abrupt end, but was soon forgotten like a bad dream.

True, Mansor is not regarded as a radical improvement over Fairus, but the PKR complement in the state exco is no longer the object of derision.

The news that Fairus has joined Umno almost a year after resigning as Penanti rep and DCM of Penang state, suggests that even PKR discards have their uses for the BN.

news courtesy of Malaysiakini

Rais on new media and Internet

Information Communication and Culture Minister Rais Yatim said Monday night the government would not impose any restriction on the flow of information on the Internet. He hoped people would be guided by religious and cultural values in deriving benefit from the cyber world.

He said the government could enforce the maximum restriction through legislation to check the negative elements spread through the new media, especially the Internet.

However, it would not resort to such measures, similar to the proposal by China to use the so-called "Green Dam" censorware on all personal computers, he said.

"We have not done anything like that. We only ask that we use our religious and cultural values for our good. Besides, I admit that enforcement of the laws under the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 will be to the maximum," he said.

Rais said this on the "Soal Jawab" interview programme aired live Monday night over TV3. The minister was interviewed by Media Prima Group Editor (News and Current Affairs) of TV7, TV8, TV9 and Radio Networks, Manja Ismail.

Enforcing relevant laws

He said the ministry and the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) were carrying out certain exercises before enforcing the relevant laws.

Rais said the people should not blindly accept anything published by the new media.

"We are building a civilisation, a culture. We have our way in our country, Singapore have their own way, and Thailand theirs.

"We now have Facebook, Twitter. We are not angry. What are our values with regard to our participation in Facebook? How are those in Europe and the United States assaulting us subtly? Don't we think about that?

"How do we handle our children who spend more time on Facebook than on their studies, on religious education? What I am saying is that the Internet is not our invention. We have to be cautious. Take the good, leave the bad," he said.

Rais said every individual must have duty of care when publishing on the Internet and in speech so as not to undermine national security.

Use of Facebook

"Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 (provides for) an individual to have duty of care when writing in blogs, and in speech, so as to ensure that the nation's security is unharmed," he said.

"The act has existed since 1998. Some 113 cases have come up. The Attorney General's Chambers is acting on them. Twelve cases are being prepared and action will be taken."

Rais said Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak had agreed for a special officer from the Attorney General's Chambers to look into the adequacy of the existing laws.

Asked about the use of Facebook by several leaders to interact with the people, Rais said: "In such matters, we are using it for the country's benefit. But there are people who publish to criticise. We have to be patient because this is a section of the Internet world which has survived on controversies." — Bernama

The politics of disaster aid

Food donated by an aid organisation being delivered to a remote location in Haiti
following the earthquake in January 2010 (Pic by DVIDSHUB @ Flickr)

ON 13 Jan 2010, a 7.0-magnitude earthquake struck the Caribbean nation of Haiti, killing thousands instantaneously. Then on 20 Jan, a 6.1-magnitude aftershock rocked Haiti once again. There are conflicting reports, but it can be assumed that more than 200,000 lives were lost as a result of the earthquake and its aftermath. That number matches the 2004 Asian tsunami death toll.

As with the 2004 tsunami, the outpouring of public sympathy for Haiti was instantaneous. The US, haunted by the spectre of former President George W Bush's incompetent response to Hurricane Katrina, committed massive aid to Haiti. Yet, within 24 hours of the first earthquake, the FBI had to release a fraud alert warning the public of sham donation appeals. The bureau appealed to internet users to "apply a critical eye and do their due diligence before responding to those requests".

Yet another earthquake has struck, this time in Chile on 27 Feb, and aid is bound to start flowing that way, too. So, exactly what due diligence was the FBI referring to? What sort of critical examination can the public apply when donating to help relieve an epic natural disaster?

Good hearts vs logistical challenges

Malaysians tend to be very sympathetic towards natural disaster survivors, says Mercy Malaysia president Dr Ahmad Faizal Perdaus. This has been true of both the Haiti earthquake and the Asian tsunami, he says.

"We've received calls from groups wanting to donate money to help the survivors of the [Haiti] earthquake," he tells The Nut Graph in an e-mail interview. "All we did was hold a press conference [in early February], informing the public that we were collecting money for Haiti." He added that people were also taking the initiative to organise their own events to raise funds.

The question, however, is if this public generosity translates into actual help for those who suffer most.

Dr Faizal providing assistance in Sri Lanka in 2003 (Courtesy of Ahmad Faizal Perdaus)

"It's common for global generosity to face logistical challenges following a natural disaster," says Jason Smith, Asia and Pacific communications head for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC).

"Very often the infrastructure in impacted countries is destroyed, and movement of donations from outside countries to the people who need them is slowed," he tells The Nut Graph in a telephone interview.

Smith says what compounds this problem is that most countries do not believe big disasters will hit them. Therefore, they do not put in place legal systems or infrastructures to handle large volumes of international aid.

"For example, governments need to decide in advance to give tax and import exceptions to humanitarian relief teams. Often, governments do not think about this before a disaster strikes. And then, disaster strikes," he says.

Other infrastructural issues

Natural disasters also have a more devastating impact on the most vulnerable societies, says Anni Natasha Azmi, fund development manager for Force of Nature Aid Foundation, referring to countries in which even existing infrastructures are undeveloped.

She tells The Nut Graph in a telephone interview that these infrastructures include democratic institutions that respect human rights and encourage transparency and accountability.

This point is important, because the extent of Haiti's devastation was not just due to the earthquake's intensity. It was also due to Haiti's extreme poverty — resulting in weak physical infrastructures and homes — which is in turn a direct result of decades of US-sponsored dictatorship. After all, a 1989 earthquake in the San Francisco Bay Area was of almost the same magnitude as Haiti's but killed only 63 people. And Chile was hit by an 8.8 magnitude earthquake — 500 times more powerful than Haiti's — yet its death toll at press time is in the hundreds, not hundreds of thousands.

A similar outcome to Haiti's, because of sociopolitical factors, can be said of the Asian tsunami. Back then, Aceh was in the grip of a guerrilla war against military rule, while Sri Lanka was still reeling from a decades-old civil war.

A Sumatran village in the aftermath of the tsunami of 2004 (Public domain / Wiki commons)

Therefore, it is important for donors to understand that when a natural disaster hits countries like this, the survivors have multiple crises to deal with. And urgent disaster response and relief will only take up the first three months of aid efforts. After that, long-term recovery and reconstruction efforts need to kick in, and this could take years depending on the severity of the aftermath.

Essential information

So what do donors — both individual and corporate — need to know in order to make sure their money reaches the people who need it most?

Anni says they need to understand firstly that their donations will probably overwhelm the affected country's bureaucracy.

Anni (Courtesy of Anni
Natasha Azmi) "It's also better to give to local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) who know the culture on the ground and how things are done," she says.

Smith agrees, and says one of the IFRC's system's strengths is that their national societies work directly with communities, and are thus seen as credible partners in the response process. Anni cautions that this might not always be the case — some big international NGOs have been known not to partner with local NGOs in relief efforts.

Smith (Courtesy of Jason
Smith) "Donors should also demand to know exactly where their ringgit goes to, and the relevant NGOs must come up with detailed reports on how the donations have been spent," she adds. For example, she says Force of Nature publishes these details on all the projects it funds on its website.

Dr Faizal also says Mercy Malaysia is one of the few NGOs in Malaysia that publishes its audited accounts every year in the major newspapers.

He says Mercy Malaysia is now certified with the Humanitarian Accountability Partnership (HAP International), the humanitarian sector's first international self-regulatory body. HAP International certifies members that comply with its standards, thus assuring disaster survivors, staff, volunteers, host authorities and donors that the agency will deliver the best humanitarian service possible in each situation.

Above all, Anni says that although there will be overwhelming donations in a natural disaster's immediate aftermath, affected countries will continue to need long-term aid.

"A natural disaster does not only wipe out lives, but also institutions and livelihoods. These take a long time to rebuild," she says.

courtesy of Nut Graph

Head hunt for potential Opposition candidates, and do it now!

It is time the opposition looked outside the party. Party loyalists can revert to party un-loyalists if the price is right. So who cares about party loyalty when it comes with a price and loyalty can be bought and sold? I would look at those who have proven themselves as champions of the people rather than champions of the party -- the party that pays them the most money.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

The policy was to contest every single seat, parliament as well as state. Barisan Nasional must never be allowed to win a single seat uncontested. No menang tanpa tanding (walk over) for Barisan Nasional. They would be given a fight even in constituencies where Barisan Nasional can easily win without any effort.

For example, in Gua Musang, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah would be able to win whether he contested as an Umno candidate, on an opposition ticket, or even as an independent. There was no way the opposition can dislodge Ku Li from his ‘kingdom’. Whomsoever contests in Gua Musang against Ku Li would be committing hara-kiri. It is a suicide mission and ‘sure death’.

Nevertheless, an opposition candidate would be fielded against Ku Li -- even though it was a futile exercise and ‘the Prince of Kelantan politics’ can retain his seat with both eyes closed and two hands tied behind his back. Someone would be ‘sent to his death’ in Gua Musang. He will be the sacrificial lamb, the kambing hitam to be slaughtered by Ku Li. Ku Li would definitely win and the opposition candidate would definitely be defeated, maybe even lose his deposit as well if the loss is that great. But a candidate will still be fielded against Ku Li, not with the possibility that he could win but just for the heck of it.

This strategy almost worked if not for the fact that some opposition candidates went MIA (missing in action). Something happened on the way to the office, the stand-up comedian would normally say. In this case, something happened on the way to the nomination centre. Some opposition candidates were paid off to disappear and to not turn up at the nomination centre. A few Barisan Nasional candidates did win uncontested after all when the opposition could not find their missing candidates.

When the nominations closed, Barisan Nasional got in with a few seats uncontested. However, except for these few, the majority of the seats were going to be contested. Barisan Nasional would win many more come polling day. A handful of the opposition candidates would win, of course, but a mere handful. Maybe Kelantan would remain opposition. The other states would remain Barisan Nasional. And Barisan Nasional would come in with a two-thirds majority in Parliament with, at best, 30 or 40 seats going to the opposition.

There are those who questioned the logic of contesting every single seat, knowing that the opposition could never win every single seat. Why not pick and choose only the ‘winnable’ seats to contest? Why contest those seats that you know you can’t win? After all, the opposition does not have enough candidates, or money needed to finance the many candidates. So why not just contest the seats the opposition can be assured of winning? Why also contest the seats you know you are going to lose, or spend all that money you do not have?

That was the other school of thought. And this was what people like Dr Chandra Muzaffar too believed, at the time when he was still an opposition leader of course. Select the winnable seats and contest only those seats. Forget about the seats that Barisan Nasional will never lose. It costs money to contest the general election. So why waste money you don’t have? And why field candidates in sure-lose seats when, in the first place, do you do not have enough candidates?

But no, the ego of the opposition would never allow Barisan Nasional to win any seat without a contest. Even if we lose we must still fight. We fight not only when we can be assured of winning. That is a coward’s strategy. We fight even if we know we are going to lose. That is what a ‘real man’ must do.

So it does not matter who the candidates are. After all, they are not going to win anyway. Send anyone. It does not matter who that person is. No need to choose our best man. We are going to lose that seat anyway. So why send our best man? We just want someone who is prepared to ‘die’, as he surely will. So why send our best man to die? Send someone not that good. We are sending him not to win but to be sacrificed.

That was the strategy. It was not a strategy to win. It was a strategy to make up the numbers. It was a strategy to send our best candidates to constituencies which we can win and the not so good to constituencies we can never win in a million years.

It was a good strategy. It was a good strategy if we are assured of winning a few seats and assured of losing many seats. The good candidates would be saved for the sure-win constituencies. And the not so good candidates would be sacrificed in the sure-lose constituencies.

It is not that easy to get good candidates anyway. Who would want to contest the general election on an opposition ticket? Who wants to make a fool of himself or herself by contesting the general election just to lose? Why contest when you are guaranteed of losing?

So the opposition lacked the ability to attract good candidates. And this was quite understandable. Those with any brains would never back a loser. Only brainless losers back losers. And the opposition is far from being the winner. The 2004 general election proved this. In 2004, many opposition candidates not only lost the election but lost their deposits as well. That was how disastrous it was in 2004. And why should 2008 be any different?

But the unexpected happened. What no one thought would happen did happen. The opposition won the seats they never expected to win. And lo and behold, they had fielded their ‘Grade B’ candidates in these seats. Some were not even ‘Grade B’ but ‘Grade C’. These are seats they thought they were never going to win in a million years. But these are seats they did win in 2008.

The opposition was caught with its pants down. It won many seats in 2008. And many of these seats were seats it did not think it could win but did win. And the candidates in these seats were not their best candidates. They were candidates who were supposed to lose. They were candidates sent out to ‘die’. They were candidates selected as sacrificial lambs, to be eaten by the Barisan Nasional lions.

But the lions did not eat the sacrificial lambs. Instead, the sacrificial lambs ate the lions. And the opposition ended up with many seats it never figured it would end up with. And the people now holding those seats are people the opposition would rather do without.

It was a good strategy. Field the best candidates in the winnable seats. Simply field anyone in the non-winnable seats. Pick whomsoever happened to be around that day and slot them in the seats you know you are going to be massacred. Just give an appearance of challenging Barisan Nasional in every constituency. It is only an appearance. You are not really giving Barisan Nasional a fight since you did not field your best candidates in those seats.

Yes, it was a good strategy. But it was a strategy that went wrong. You ended up with more seats than you thought you would end up with. And you ended up with more state assemblypersons and parliamentarians than you thought you would end up with. But not all are people whom you would have liked to have as state assemblypersons and parliamentarians. They were supposed to have lost the elections, the sacrificial lambs to be slaughtered by Barisan Nasional.

And now that strategy gone wrong has come home to roost. The opposition is seeing these candidates leave for greener pastures. They were not supposed to have won in the first place. They were supposed to have lost. But they did win. And now that they have won they want to leave the opposition to join Barisan Nasional where the pickings are better.

This is both good and bad. It is good in the sense that the opposition has now learned not to take things lightly. Don’t contest half-heartedly what you thought were non-winnable seats by fielding the worst candidates in those constituencies. You never know. You might end up winning those seats instead.

It is bad in that Barisan Nasional has also learned its lesson. If they can get enough opposition parliamentarians to cross over to Barisan Nasional then they will regain their two-thirds majority in parliament where they can redraw the election boundaries so that 2008 can never be repeated.

The opposition can, again, win 50% of the votes in the next general election. But the opposition’s share of 50% of the votes would translate to less than one-third of the seats in parliament while Barisan Nasional’s 50% will give them two-thirds. This is what they can do if they can get enough opposition parliamentarians to cross over before the next election.

Fine, looking at what happened in 2004, no one can blame the opposition for thinking that 2008 would be no better. However, against all odds, it was better. And this is why we are seeing the current exodus of crossovers. It is because of a good strategy that backfired, which means it was not that good a strategy after all.

Who do we blame for this? On hindsight, the opposition is to be blamed. But it is always easy to be an expert on hindsight. What about on foresight? If we feel that the opposition made a mistake in fielding bad candidates, whose fault is it? The opposition was begging for potential candidates to come forward and offer themselves as candidates. But not many were prepared to offer themselves as candidates. So the opposition was forced to select those not worthy of being candidates to field in the election.

Next time around, those of calibre must come forward to offer themselves as candidates. And the opposition must, on its part, be prepared to select people from outside the party. Never mind if they are not party people. Never mind if they are from the NGOs, civil society movements, activists, academicians, writers, Bloggers, or whatnot. Select them as candidates even if they have no party track record but are qualified and capable. This is what must happen the next time around, if there is a next time.

Head hunt for candidates for the next general election. And do it now rather than later. Identify good potential candidates and start talking to them now. And if the government suddenly holds a snap election you will not be caught off-guard. You will have your list of potential candidates ready. Then you won’t scramble to fill in the slots and be forced to field half-past-six people as candidates like last time.

I have my own list of some possible candidates. There are of course many more. These are not party people. In fact, some may have even been critical of the opposition, and even more critical of Barisan Nasional. These are people with qualifications and calibre. These are people with integrity and commitment. These are people who could become rich if they went into Barisan Nasional but choose not to even if they remain poor. These are people who not only know how to serve the country but also can never be made to change sides even if millions were at stake.

It is time the opposition looked outside the party. Party loyalists can revert to party un-loyalists if the price is right. So who cares about party loyalty when it comes with a price and loyalty can be bought and sold? I would look at those who have proven themselves as champions of the people rather than champions of the party -- the party that pays them the most money.

Is the opposition ready to break away from tradition? Is the opposition ready to abolish cronyism, the very thing they accuse Barisan Nasional of but which exists in the opposition as well? Has what is going on of late taught the opposition the lesson it dire needs?

I hope to see at least, say, 20 candidates for parliament and, say, 50 candidates for the state seats come from the ranks of the NGOs, civil society movements, activists, academicians, writers, Bloggers, or whatnot. That is only 10% or so of the total number of seats. Is 10% too much to ask? Is it not better to ‘lose’ 10% of the seats to these types of ‘non-party people’ rather than lose ‘party candidates’ to Barisan Nasional due to crossovers?

The ball is now at the feet of the opposition. I just hope they know which direction the goalpost is. I can forgive the opposition for its disaster in choosing candidates in the 2008 general election because I know why that happened. But there is no excuse or forgiving if it happens again after we now know what must be done. If they do this again even I might leave the opposition in disgust and go into retirement.

courtesy of malaysia-today.net

KJ: A PM if he is not hasty

HE was once in the Prime Minister's office, advising then PM Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on matters relating to politics and government.

When Najib Abdul Razak took over from 'Pak Lah' in April last year, Khairy Jamaluddin also made an exit from his fourth floor office of the PM's Department in Putrajaya.

Since then not everything has been rosy for KJ, as Khairy is popularly called.

He won the Rembau parliamentary seat in the 2008 general election and was elected the Umno Youth chief a year later.

However, the seat he wants most - a Cabinet post - continues to be elusive.

Following a meeting with Najib on Feb 17, after speculations that he was on the verge of being ousted as the movement leader, KJ, has bounced back on a more confident footing.

His courtesy call on Najib, with a delegation of key Youth officials, was said to be a 'wake up call' and it has given him better control of the wing.

During the meeting, Najib had reportedly cautioned him about being too hasty in wanting a Cabinet post.

The Umno president said he wants Khairy to focus on strengthening the Youth wing and Pak Lah's son-in-law appears to be agreeable to the suggestion.

Among the grouses that had been levelled against KJ - which sparked off the speculation that he is no longer wanted as Umno Youth leader - was that he was not toeing the line of Najib's 1Malaysia ambition.

Another sore point was that he had been sulking too much about being excluded from Najib's cabinet that he has lost track about competently leading the movement.

Feedback from grassroots

He has since assured the party president and his members that things would be different from now and, as the Barisan Nasional youth leader, he would also get the members of the other component parties of the coalition to carry out 'labs' for feedback from the grassroots as to how the Government could serve them better.

The Youth members in the Barisan had not been effective in gettting the ground support for the coalition in recent years because of internal politicking and self-sabotage, resulting in many young people giving their votes to the opposition at the last general election in 2008.

One of the reason was that the Barisan Youth leaders were indulging more in rhetoric from within the closed doors of their executive meetings than being on the ground with the youths to understand what they want from national leaders.

During Abdullah's tenure, there was also a large portion of party members who were wary about Khairy's links with the PM as he was considered to be one of the 'fourth floor boys' who were influencing the party and national decisions made by Pak Lah.

Although, at that time, Khairy was only the deputy to Hishammuddin Hussein, his presence in the media was often more attention-grabbing than that of the Youth chief himself, who also happened to be the Education Minister.

Even Abdullah's predecessor, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, was not comfortable with the attention that Khairy was getting and saw many failings in Abdullah's administration which he attributed to the 'ill advice' given by KJ and his band of young assistants in the PM's office.

From being a much-publicised Youth leader, Khairy's image took a plunge after Abdullah exited from office and the young man who was once seen as a charismatic upstart and a go-getter was not even considered good enough to be in the cabinet.

Age on KJ's side

More humiliating for Khairy was to see his deputy Razali Ibrahim and his defeated challenger for the Youth's post, Mukhriz Mahathir being appointed deputy ministers.

However, said many political observers and party insiders, age is on Khairy's side and he has only to have patience, work much harder and really try to 'feel the pulse' on the ground to get to the highest possible position.

“Yes! He can even be a prime minister in another 20 to 30 years, but only if he mend his ways,” said Umno Selayang division committee member Hasnal Rezua Merican.

“He is a brilliant young man but he has to work harder to show that he merits the post, and not because he can 'buy' the post, as believed by his opponents, including those in the party," he added.

He said it was only after Abdullah stepped down as PM that Khairy began to realise the importance of mending his 'authoritarian' ways.

"Well, that's only half the battle. The other part of the struggle is to get support from the masses and to show the current leaders - who are sceptical about his stewardship - that he can unify the people.

"He has to start with the factions in Umno Youth," said Hasnal.

He said it could be true that Khairy was not very popular with certain people but he is well-liked by others and he has his own following even among non-Malays.

"The young people like his unconventional ways, his smartness and his moderate views, which are needed to helm a multi-cultural country like Malaysia.

The young likes him

"Even those who are incline to the opposition are comfortable with him."

Indeed, some people think he has the 'package' of being a prime minister and he probably knows it too and that is why he had seemed impatient to get a 'taste of being a minister.'

Naturally, he has his own brigade of 'yes men' who expect to be rewarded if Khairy, who is Rembau MP, moves up the political ladded.

Hasnal, a lawyer, said there are, in Umno, many young and taalentd people who join the party not to gain monetary rewards.

He said he is one of those who comes into Umno to make contributions to the nation.

"I'd rather do my bit by being in Umno than in an opposition party.

"There are many people in Umno who are like me, who want to rebuild Umno.

"We know the grassroots better since we do less ‘politicking’," said Hasnal.

Umno Petaling Jaya Utara division member Sha’azri Abdullah also has this advice for Khairy: "Do not be too eager for a post."

Sha'azri said the urban young may like Khairy but, he asked, does he appeal to the sub-urban and rural youths or the elderly people?

"He tried to align himself with the mat rempit (illegal street racers) but we have not seen much progress.

"We have only seen more snatch thives among these hooligan bikers," he said.

Sha'azri, a cyber entrepreneur, said as a Youth leader, Khairy should 'go to the ground' more often and not just in Rembau but other places in the country as well.

"I believe it is not just me but others as well who feel that Khairy had been too focussed on being a minister.

"He tends to forget he has us (the young people) to assist him in his job, to ensure the voice of Malaysian youths is heard by the national leaders," added Sha'azri.

He conceded, however, that it may be 'a bit tricky' to deal with older crowds but Khairy can make a start by being an 'imam' during congregational prayers at mosques.

Not easy with the elders

"Don't think that is easy. The elders will scrutinise your performance, and be prepared, they will certainly judge you hard."

Sha'azri agrees that Khairy also attracts the attention of those in the opposition, adding that the young are able to assess a person between 'political belief' and 'personal preference.'

"Although they are from the opposition they can still regard him as a friend," he said, adding that the youths see Khairy as struggling to get out of the stereotyped 'ultra-Malay' mould of many older Umno leaders.

"The older politicians in the opposition camp, however, see him as just another 'Umno fellow' and he is, therefore, always a target of the opposition's firing squad. - Malaysian Mirror

PKR defectors’ independence questioned

Pakatan Rakyat (PR) politicians and analysts have dismissed a suggestion that the recent defection of two PKR MPs and the threat of more defections would result in the emergence of a bloc of Independent lawmakers in Parliament.

PAS national unity committee chairman Mujahid Yusof Rawa scoffed at the possibility of an Independent bloc in Parliament and said that in Malaysian politics, there was no such thing as a “truly independent” lawmaker. “They are either here (PR) or there (Barisan Nasional),” he told The Malaysian Insider.

The Parit Buntar MP cited the example of the Perak when three PR assemblymen — two from PKR and one from DAP — left their parties to become Independents friendly to BN.

“This is just a political game. They announce that they are leaving now but they will later say they are friendly to Barisan,” he said.

Even if the deserters remained as Independents, said Mujahid, he predicted that the bloc would be used as a back-up for the BN government to win votes in Parliament.

Former PKR secretary-general Datuk Salehuddin Hashim, who has also quit his party, predicted today an exodus of PKR lawmakers. This would result in a whole new faction in Parliament — an Independent bloc — which Salehuddin did not discount happening.

DAP’s Lim Kit Siang said the defections showed that “painful and agonising though it may be”, PR needed to undergo a “self-cleansing process”.

Lim told The Malaysian Insider that if PR wanted to regain voter confidence, they needed to clean up house. “It may be painful and agonising but we have to go through it,” he said.

Lim did not want to speak on the viability of having an Independent faction in Parliament and merely said: “Let them play up the theatre first and we will see what happens. All I want to say for now is that Pakatan needs to undergo some self-cleansing.”

PKR national vice-president Dr Lee Boon Chye said the PKR defectors would find themselves to be fairly restricted in their quest to become truly independent MPs in Parliament.

“Already in the current situation, even as a strong opposition with a third of the seats, we find it difficult to balance the dominance of the Barisan so what more when you are an Independent,” he said.

Political scientist Wong Chin Huat agreed with this and echoed Mujahid’s views that Malaysian politics did not have room for a “third force”. He noted that the independent MPs would not be truly free from influences from either PR or BN. “After all, how many lawmakers do you know are truly aware of their duties? Defecting from their respective parties do not make them better Parliamentarians,” he told The Malaysian Insider.

He also pointed out that defectors would have little influence in winning over votes for BN. “The voters have already made up their minds so they do not want a third force. At the end of the day, these ‘independent MPs” would have to choose which side they want to be friendly with. “If in the next elections they want to stand in a three-tiered fight, they would lose,” he said. “The real damage is if the people think that these defections mean that the PKR is split and that Pakatan is weakening,” he said.

In announcing his departure from PKR today, Nibong Tebal MP Tan Tee Beng said that he would remain as an independent candidate and would not be “friendly” to either coalitions. “If I am ‘friendly’ then I am not independent, am I?” he told a press conference this afternoon.

Tan’s departure is the latest departure of PKR’s federal lawmakers, following Bayan Baru MP Datuk Seri Zahrain Hashim’s recent decision to also leave PKR.

Former PKR deputy president Dr Chandra Muzaffar said he believes that the existence of more independent lawmakers was a healthy scenario but admitted that the group would have little legislative influence. “If you look at the Malaysian Parliament, the ruling coalition has a comfortable majority to a point that they do not really need these independent legislators to pass bills. Unless of course, they have problems with the attendance of their own MPs,” he told The Malaysian Insider tonight.

He noted that he had little confidence that the group of independent MPs would represent a unified voice in the Parliament as they all came from different ethnic backgrounds.

“Tan and (Pasir Mas MP) Ibrahim Ali will not team up, for example. However, if they could stand united on certain issues especially on ethnic issues, then they can play the role of a multi-ethnic bloc. They can become bridge-builders and this would be very good,” said Dr Chandra.

At this point however, he said that it was difficult to imagine such a thing happening and noted that truly independent lawmakers were hard to come by, especially if they chose not to vote with their conscience in Parliament and instead began, again, to take sides with either party.

BN currently controls 137 seats in Parliament while PKR and DAP have 28 seats respectively. PAS holds 23 seats with one from Socialist Party of Malaysia. Five others are independents. BN needs 11 seats to retain its two-thirds majority.

news courtesy of Malaysian Insider

New system to improve accident-prone stretches

Works Minister Shaziman Abu Mansor today announced a points system which will enable highway concessionaires to identify accident-prone stretches and rectify flaws for safer driving.

He said six points would be given for an accident involving death on a stretch, four points for serious injury, two points for light injury and one point for vehicle breakdown.

When the points for a stretch exceeded 25, the highway concessionaire would take measures at its own cost to improve the safety features at that stretch or black spot, such as widening a sharp bend, he told reporters after officially opening the Setul and Ampangan interchanges of the Kajang-Seremban Highway (Lekas).

Shaziman said the black spots identified on the North-South Plus Expressway were Km 102.8 (Sungai Petani-Sungai Petani Utara), Km257 and Km256.4 (Kuala Kangsar-Jelapang), Km373 (Slim River-Behrang), Km399.4 (Behrang-Tanjung Malim), Km431.4 (Bukit Beruntung-Rawang), Km6.7 (Sungai Rasau Toll Plaza) and Km17.2 (Damansara Interchange).

The black spots on the Kuala Lumpur-Karak Highway were at Km71.4 and Km71.5 (Bentong-Karak), he added.

Shaziman also said that the government was considering looking again at the construction of a highway linking Banting in Selangor to Taiping in Perak, which was proposed for implementation as the West Coast Expressway at one time in two phases, from Banting to Sabak Bernam and then on to Taiping.

He said the Malaysian Highway Authority (LLM) and the Public Private Partnership Unit (UKAS) in the Prime Minister's Department were undertaking a study on the traffic flow between Banting and Taiping.

"The highway would serve as an option for users of the North-South Expressway, enabling them to divert should there be heavy traffic flow on the expressway," he said, adding that Lekas gave expressway users from Seremban and Pahang an option to enter Kuala Lumpur.

Shaziman did not rule out the possibility of the west coast highway only running from Banting to the south if that was deemed more necessary.

- Bernama

Anwar’s family ties in PKR reason for defections, says Rais

Umno Supreme Council member Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim today cited what he described as the monopoly of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s family in Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) as one reason for the recent resignation of several members from the party.

One more reason could be the dissatisfaction of these members over the failure of the PKR leadership to formulate and clearly explain the party’s policies to the people, he said.

“PKR is seen as being monopolised by one family, that of Permatang Pauh Member of Parliament (Anwar, the advisor), his wife (Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail) as the president and their daughter (Lembah Pantai Member of Parliament Nurul Izzah) who also plays an important role.

“It (the party) is seen as a family enterprise. The people are not convinced by this (state of affairs),” he told reporters after opening the Asia Pacific Regional Internet Conference on Operational Technologies (Apricot) at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre, here.

Dr Rais, who is Information Communication and Culture Minister, was asked to comment on the recent resignations of several members from the PKR.

Nibong Tebal Member of Parliament Tan Tee Beng today announced his resignation from the PKR, one day after the announced departure from the party of former Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin, with both citing disappointment with the party leadership for failing to champion the people’s cause.

Bayan Baru Member of Parliament Datuk Seri Zahrain Mohamed Hashim had announced on Feb 12 his resignation from PKR, citing disappointment with the leadership of Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng of the DAP, one of the parties in the PKR-DAP-PAS opposition pact.

Dr Rais said Mohammad Fairus had conveyed to him his disappointment with the monopoly in the PKR when they met about a month ago, adding that such sentiment expressed by a one-time deputy chief minister must have basis to reflect something was not right in the party and that such a trend would continue.

He said the developments in PKR had been expected because the basis of its struggle was not coated with service and struggle clearly defined for the people to understand. — Bernama

Human Rights Party attempts to carve Indian-majority seats

The Human Rights Party launched its voters' registration campaign in Prai as part of its strategy to create Indian-majority constituencies at the state and Parliament-level.

HRP believes the Prai state legislative assembly constituency could be the launchpad for its political quest to create at least 15 Indian-majority state seats across the country.

Prai, a state seat under the Batu Kawan parliamentary constituency, has 14,175 registered voters of which 5,074, or 36 percent, are Indians.

Penang deputy chief minister II P Ramasamy currently holds both the Prai state and Batu Kawan parliamentary seat.

HRP hopes to register about 4,100 more Indians in order to turn Prai into an Indian majority seat.

'Giving Indians a voice'

The voter registration drive was launched by HRP pro-tem secretary-general P Uthayakumar in Penang yesterday.

He said the Prai state seat was key in the party's plan to kick-start its 'Malaysian Indian Political Empowerment Strategy' to create 15 parliamentary and 38 state seats with an Indian majority.

According to Uthayakumar, the Indian community is plagued with problems because they do not form the majority in any constituency.

"By having Prai as a Indian majority seat, HRP and Indians would have a more say in the state policies.

"We can demand for better treatment for Indians from the state government," he said.

He said HRP outlined its empowerment strategy because Indians could no longer trust any of the elected representatives, regardless of whether they are from Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat.

news courtesy of Malaysiakini

Oil royalty: Kelantan BN reps revoke backing for motion

All six Kelantan BN assemblypersons have revoked their support for the oil royalty motion in the state assembly today, claiming that it does not match what they had agreed upon.

According to Nenggiri representative Mat Yusof Abdul Ghani, BN - which forms the opposition in the state assembly - had supported the motion to take the matter to court.

However, amendments have since been made to pressure Petronas to make royalty payments to Kelantan as soon as possible.

Mat Yusof said the initial decision to back the motion had been unanimous and that Umno state communications body chairperson and Jeli assemblyperson Mustapa Mohamed had been informed of this.

The motion reads: 'The state assembly hereby gives a mandate to the state executive council (MMK), on behalf of the state government, to take the matter to court, with the intention of obtaining royalty payments, which are the right of the people and government of Kelantan in accordance with the agreement and the handing over of petroleum rights, be it on land or off the shore of Kelantan, signed in 1975.

"This is in adherence to the Petroleum Development Act 1974, and should be exercised at any time deemed fit by the state government.'

Mat Yusof spoke to Malaysiakini today in response to a Harakahdaily report, which claimed that the motion was unanimously passed today after receiving the support of BN assemblypersons.

The online PAS mouthpiece reported that Mat Yusof, state opposition head Mohd Alwi Che Ahmad and Kuala Balah assemblyperson Abdul Aziz Derashid had supported the motion.

It also claimed that Nozula Mat Diah (BN-Paloh) and Adhan Kechik (BN-Bukit Bunga) did not support the motion, while Noorzahidi Omar (BN-Pengkalan Kubur) was absent.

There has been long-standing contention over the payment of the oil royalty to Kelantan, with the federal government claiming that the state is not entitled to it. Instead, it has been offered a 'goodwill payment'.

However, this view has been disputed over the years, with the most recent argument being strongly stated by Umno's Gua Musang MP and former finance minister Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

news courtesy of Malaysiakini

Additional Allocations, not APs will benefit rakyat

The government should provide more allocations for state representatives that benefit the rakyat instead of handing out Approved Permits (APs), said Kampung Tunku assemblyperson Lau Weng San.

Lau was responding to a forwarded letter issued to the Selangor State Assembly Secretary, Mohd Yasin Bidin from the International Trade and Industry Ministry (Miti), announcing that Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak has agreed to issue an AP to all state assemblypersons.

In a statement, Lau said that if the federal government wanted to improve the benefits of state assemblypersons, it should allocate funds to the state government instead.

"The state government can then issue the payments either directly to the state assemblypersons or into their constituency allocation account, Either way would be very much welcomed," he added.

Lau also questioned the need for an AP as elected representatives are already entitled to buy a duty free vehicle under a Finance Ministry circular.

Assuaging fears of abuse, he said that Selangor Pakatan assemblypersons will meet to discuss what to do with the APs and assured that any decisions would be carried out transparently.

When contacted, opposition leader Mohd Khir Toyo dismissed the AP as "nothing new" stating that a premium still has to be paid for the imported car according to the letter from Miti.

Asked what he would do with his AP, Khir said: "For me, one car is enough".

Based on the present system, a car importer needs to acquire an AP from Miti which is fixed at RM10,000 before bringing in foreign vehicles but the demand for AP in the marketplace can fetch as high as RM40,000.

news courtesy of Malaysiakini

No waiting for a new economic mantra

THE long wait for the New Economic Model (NEM) will be over when the blueprint is unveiled, after several postponements, next month. However, it would be naive to expect the new plan to work like a magic bullet on the country's economic dilemma — namely, being caught in the middle-income trap — as the structural problems that are at the root of our development conundrum will naturally need medium- to long-term solutions.

Take the key issue of human capital development, which is the cornerstone of a high-income economy. It is self-evident that building quality into our human resource pool will take decades, even if we assume that we have got our directions right.

That's a big "if", but let's accept that for a moment and turn to what's happening on the ground. Thanks to globalisation, we know what our weaknesses are in the race for investment capital: an inability to match the low-wage regimes of newer emerging economies on the one hand, and on the other, a lack of technological expertise, dearth of innovation and lack of soft skills among the workforce — the classic double whammy.

As policy analysts, opinion leaders and industry players have endlessly pointed out, the country has a severe deficit of engineers, accountants, researchers, managers and various other professionals to drive its ambitions to become a developed economy. The problem is dual — there is a shortfall in numbers as well as in quality, as recruiters are wont to remind us.

Today, it is a patent fact that the incubators for these skilled human resources — the public universities and technical institutions, primarily — are seriously challenged to produce graduates who measure up to the quality standards required by globally competitive businesses.

An economist with a development authority that is hampered by this constraint on its human resources is refreshingly frank about the problem. The quality issue is rooted, he says, in a school system which rewards rote learning rather than fostering thinking skills. This gives the universities little scope for providing remedial instruction at the end of the education assembly line. In his forthright assessment, it is a "lost cause". Taking note of this, the NEM's work must begin in tandem with an overhaul of the school curriculum to de-emphasise rote learning and prioritise analytical thinking.

That, however, is easier said than done. As the economist acknowledges, the situation has been made clear to the decision makers, but the logical solutions have not been implemented, for reasons best known to them, until now.

A former academic adds: "Even in the effort to encourage excellence among the universities, the focus has been on the infrastructure rather than substance."

This mentality must change before we can talk about innovation, and then creativity. That's how much we have to catch up on. For the statistics, we just need reminding that our expenditure on R&D as a ratio of gross domestic product (GDP) is a relatively low 0.64% (2008). That would partly explain why only 9% of patents granted in Malaysia in 2008 were from Malaysia.

The situation has been aggravated by the rapid deterioration in the command of English — the essential global language — among our young of all races. The government continues to be reluctant to take the bull by the horns to ensure that the workforce is enabled to participate fully in international business developments. Instead it is giving in to misguided political considerations that put us at a disadvantage in the global marketplace. No economic blueprint can work if the people — the human capital — do not have the language skills necessary to function efficiently in the technical, commercial, creative and interpersonal spheres.

For more insight into the systemic issues that are plaguing tertiary education, an anecdotal evidence provided by a writer on human capital issues is revealing. Decrying the culture of mediocrity in tertiary institutions, he tells this paper that students pursuing advanced degrees have been discouraged by their lecturers from pursuing qualitative research because of the lack of qualified academics to supervise their work. In this stultifying environment, they struggle to sustain their interest in the course, plodding through just to reach the finishing line. Small wonder we aren't getting anywhere in a hurry.

Moreover, our options are being narrowed by market forces as investment capital is increasingly passing us by. To turn from an assembly line to a value-added economy, some short-term measures have to be taken sooner rather than later, the economist points out.

First off, we must go on a global talent hunt to bring the expertise needed to turn Malaysia into a knowledge hub. That may require us to swallow our pride, if necessary, to source personnel from countries with large pools of technical expertise.

Second, bridging programmes have to be rolled out to address the skills gap between university graduates and industry needs. Current programmes that have been well received by small- and medium-sized employers that do not have the resources for training need to be upscaled.

And third, the SME sector, a key economic multiplier, must be incentivised to provide higher value components and services to global manufacturers, in order to break out of the OEM mould that they currently occupy.

The 64-dollar question is not whether we can do it, but whether we have a choice.

news courtesy of the Edge

Campaigning in Sarawak begins in earnest

POLITICAL campaigns never stop in Sarawak but dead giveaways of state election happening pretty soon are the incessant talk of the next polls and heightened bashing of the opposition in the tightly controlled local media.

The Barisan Nasional (BN) state government led by Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, the country's longest-serving chief minister (since March 26, 1981), is up to the challenge, though one suspects not necessarily looking forward to it.

Sarawak is traditionally a BN stronghold — in both state and parliamentary elections.

Taib's three-decade rule has seen his influence reaching virtually every nook and corner of the state, with thousands of community chiefs appointed by his administration.

One whole generation has grown up knowing only him at the helm and his retirement from service is one of intense speculation now.

Regardless, for those daring to hope for a glaringly different composition soon for the 71-seat state assembly, they are likely to be bitterly disappointed. A change in government is out of the question but not whether the opposition can reduce BN's dominance.

"We (the opposition collectively) may be looking at between 15 and 20 state seats," a state opposition lawmaker confided.

"Taking control of the state is unlikely to be within our reach now, but we want to increase our seats, and maintain that momentum to the next general election. That is the important battle."

The state polls can be held anytime before May 2011. Aside from that, with 31 parliamentary seats up for grabs, Sarawak, particularly the rural areas, is key in BN's strategy to regain its two-third majority or at least to retain control of the national legislature.

Likewise, the state is a crucial part of the opposition's strategy in its bid to take control of federal administration, but they will have their work cut out for them.

The state BN would want to avoid a similar fate faced by the coalition in the peninsula in the March 2008 general election.

It partly explains Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak's regular visits and the current pump-priming of federal funds to the tune of billions of ringgit in the state's economy, one that has been badly hit by the global economic crisis.

The Umno president was on a whirlwind two-day tour of the interiors just a week ago, and is scheduled to be back in the state tomorrow to open the 12th Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) convention in Kuching.

Najib recently announced a RM3.4 billion allocation for infrastructure projects in Sarawak under the 10th Malaysia Plan and the government's National Key Results Areas (NKRAs). All these to head off the potential threat to the BN's reign in the land of the hornbills.

Up until the 2006 state election when it lost eight seats to the opposition and one to an independent, the BN's grip on power had been largely maintained.

That year and in what was described as the first political tsunami, DAP took an unprecedented six seats, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) one and Sarawak National Party (SNAP) one — all at the expense of Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP), the MCA-counterpart.

SUPP contested a total of 19 seats. In Bandar Kuching itself, it lost four seats, out of five, to DAP. Other than PBB and SUPP, the other BN component party is Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party.

At one point, the opposition had nine state seats after independent assemblyman Gabriel Adit Demong, former vice-president of the now- defunct Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak, joined PKR. He has since hopped to Penang-based Parti Cinta Malaysia (PCM), which is seen as pro-BN.

The assemblyman who won on the SNAP ticket, Dr Jonical Rayong, turned independent after he quit the party prior to the swearing-in and is now also allied to BN.

As it now stands, the opposition holds seven state seats (DAP six and PKR one). Via lawyer Chong Chieng Jen, DAP in Bandar Kuching holds the sole parliamentary seat for the opposition.

In several seats, along with BN, both DAP and PKR contested against each other four years ago. That may change in the impending polls.

Four years back, according to reports, SNAP fielded 29 candidates, PKR 25, DAP 12 and PAS one.

An informal opposition front is in the offing as talks are underway to divvy up the seats so as to avoid split votes among them. PCM and independents will want to spoil the arrangement.

The anxiety and anticipation of the political parties in the state face-off are understandable.

There are three parts of Sarawak — the middle-class in the urban centres are mainly involved in services, trading and manufacturing activities, the agri-communities in the rural areas and the super-rich politicians and businessmen who control much of the state's economy, feeding off one another.

The last of the lot is expected to be the target of attacks for the opposition front. Much of Sarawak's towns and rural areas have remained trapped in a time warp since, some may even say, the days of the white rajahs. Even urban centres such as Kuching, Sibu and Miri do not have much to show for.

DAP, hoping to ride on its historic wins in 2006, is expected to provide the challenge to BN in the urban and semi-urban constituencies, while PKR and SNAP will do battle with the ruling coalition in rural Sarawak.

Sarawakians would have been following the developments in the peninsula since the political tsunami of March 2008 when the ruling coalition lost its two-third majority in parliament as well as five states, including Kelantan. BN has since retaken Perak after cross-overs.

How deeply they care about the developments across the South China Sea, including the sodomy charge against Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, is another matter altogether.

With over 40% of the population Christians, the Allah issue may find resonance with the Iban community, the majority of whom are of that faith.

Local issues include the pricey renewal of land leases in the urban centres, the state's control over native customary land for development, and the Iban community tussling with state authorities over land title rights.

Other issues may include lack of job opportunities, though the tremendous flow of federal funds and infrastructure projects such as those in SCORE (Sarawak Corridor of Renewable Energy) and other rural electricity and water supply projects may be mitigating factors.

Apart from Bakun dam, the state is planning to build at least 12 hydro-electricity projects over the next few years, and targets to increase hydro power supply to 6,000 megawatts by 2015 to meet demands of local industries, including SCORE. Many more hydro dams are in the pipeline.

Even in Kuching, work is underway for the phased construction of a RM3 billion central sewerage system, which is being undertaken by the turnkey contractor Kumpulan Nishimatsu-Hock Seng Lee Consortium, speculated to be linked to establishments. The opaqueness of the awards of contracts will be raised.

So too will be charges of the supply of power to the two proposed aluminium smelting plants.

Regardless of, and in spite of the issues and campaign strategies, the opposition will find it a hard sell to Sarawakians that they will be more able to administer this vast expanse of largely undeveloped land.

The outcome will reflect how much the message on the need for a strong opposition will resonate with the locals.

news courtesy of the Edge

Pakatan asks Sabahans to lead

The message to Sabahans from Pakatan Rakyat leaders during a Chap Goh Meh event here yesterday was loud and clear - "Take the lead to change the state and nation for the better".

National PR leaders took full advantage of the final day of the fortnight-long Chinese New Year celebrations to flag off its political campaign to get Sabah to lead in its struggle to take over the state as well as the central government.

Advisors of two Pakatan parties, Anwar Ibrahim of PKR and Lim Kit Siang of the DAP, both made passionate appeals to people in this east Malaysian state to get involved and work hard in this struggle.

Anwar called on Umno leaders in the country not to underestimate the wisdom of the people and said he believed that Sabah could take a lead for political change in order "to save the country".

Spoke to Hillary Clinton

Addressing a crowd that packed the Kian Kok School hall here Sunday, Anwar used several Mandarin expressions to illustrate his arguments on how things had gone wrong in Sabah in particular and Malaysia as a whole.

The opposition leader also quoted the well known saying of Abraham Lincoln of America about how people might be fooled some time but not all the time.

He told them that many foreign countries had expressed support towards his plight and political struggle, including Qatar, Turkey and Australia.

He also related his phone conversation with Hillary Clinton, US State Secretary, and claimed that she had told him, "Excellency Anwar, we are with you, we fight for justice."

The PKR advisor called on the Sabah people to make sure they "invest in this struggle for change".

He called on them to work doubly hard, saying that no power on earth could stop them if they so decide to change and replace the present government.

He gave examples of how deeply entrenched powers in other countries were overthrown, including the Shah of Iran.

Anwar said the people must discard the old style of politics that were based on factions, adding that freedom of expression, justice and the rule of law must prevail.

Anwar said this country is ruled by law and "this is what we want."

Kit Siang on Sabah's problems

Speaking at a press conference later, Anwar said: "If Sabahans take the lead to make the change, I am sure the Barisan Nasional is gone."

In his address, Lim Kit Siang made a passionate appeal to the crowd for support to start a struggle for change of government in the state and the country.

Lim said that during his visit with other DAP members to Kota Belud and Tuaran districts, he found that the state still lacks basic infrastructures.

He found that the hospital in Tuaran is operating without a single bed for patients for 30 years.

In Kota Belud, he discovered that 500 students and 50 teachers there had to walk eight kilometers on a dusty road to school everyday.

"People in Tawau celebrated Chinese New Year Eve in darkness (without electric power). Sandakan and Lahad Datu both have problems in basic infrastructures.

"We do not have such problems elsewhere – in Kuching, Miri, Sibu (in Sarawak) and in Peninsular Malaysia," he pointed out. Why, he asked.

"Sabah is entitled to know the answer. The state has become the worse and the poorest in Malaysia and we want an answer," he told them, and added that it was for this reason that "we want a change".

Lim told the crowd that the people themselves must be prepared to get involved.

"Are you prepared, to save Sabah and to save Malaysia?" he asked them.

He called on them to let the voice of Sabah be heard loud and clear not only in Malaysia but elsewhere in the world as well.

He said Pakatan Rakyat wants a new chief minister in Sabah and at the same time it wants a new prime minister in Malaysia in the person of Anwar Ibrahim.

Lim said that during his visit, his men had told him that they had worked hard and his advice to them was that they had to work even harder.

Top guns present

Although the event was meant to be a CNY celebration, it turned into a political rally, with Anwar the chief speaker being preceded by a number of fiery political speeches.

The first to step forward to work up the crowd was Dr Hiew King Cheu, the Sabah DAP chief and MP for Api-Api.

Hiew said the people had come from as far as Sandakan, Tawau, Lahad Datu and Kota Belud to attend the celebration.

He said the event was a demonstration of the "Sabahan spirit" expressing the wish of the people for change.

Hishamuddin Sulaiman, from PAS who is chairman of Pakatan Rakyat Sabah, was the next to speak.

He hoped the people would join hands with the Pakatan in the next general elections, assist in bringing Anwar's message to the grassroots level and bring change to the people.

Yong Teck Lee, president of Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP), was among the notables who came to the open house as guests. He was accompanied by a strong delegation, including the party's State Assemblymen, Member of Parliament and other supreme council members.

Also present were Dr Jeffrey Kitingan, PKR vice-president and Ahmad Thamrin Jaini, Sabah PKR chairman.

news courtesy of Malaysian Mirror

Perak Assembly on March 30

Perak will host its next state assembly sitting on March 30.

The sitting will be the first one after Perak Pakatan Rakyat representatives promised to make nice with their foes in Barisan Nasional’s administration under Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abd Kadir.

The Malaysian Insider received confirmation from Speaker Datuk R. Ganesan this afternoon that notices to attend the sitting had already been sent out to the state’s 59 assemblymen.

It remains to be seen however, how the Pakatan representatives plan to attend the sitting for although they agreed to cooperate with Barisan, they have insisted that the Speaker’s post still belonged to DAP’s V. Sivakumar.

They had agreed to cooperate with Barisan after the Federal Court decided on Feb 9 that Zambry was the rightful mentri besar of Perak, and not ousted leader Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin.

news courtesy of Malaysian Insider

Salehuddin: More will leave PKR

Former PKR secretary-general Salehuddin Hashim has confirmed speculation that more members are lining up to leap off the deck of the troubled opposition party.

“It may be more than 10. You take the total number (of representatives) minus the socialists, the NGO liberals and the cronies, (and) do the math,” he said cryptically today.

“But they won't all jump at once, they will come in ones and twos. As in boxing, there are combinations to this.”

Pressured for details, he steadfastly refused to reveal names or the exact number, saying instead that all will be revealed in time.

He was speaking to reporters during a press conference called this morning by PKR's Nibong Tebal parliamentarian Tan Tee Beng, to announce that he has quit the party to turn Independent.

Salehuddin also revealed that there is a movement within the party towards forming an “independent bloc” which is tired of polemics, but does not necessarily support BN.

"You are all aware that there are developments in PAS and DAP towards this (bloc). The same may also be developing in PKR."

Salehuddin confirmed his own resignation from the party, saying he will leave in two weeks.

"We must do things properly. I am a guy who goes by the book," he said.

The buzz surrounding his resignation started last October. He initially denied this and Malaysiakini's report on the matter was criticised by those in PKR.

'Opportunists' in PKR

Salehuddin hinted at the reasons behind the apparent rift in PKR.

“We originally 'real deal' activists started the entire movement. Who are these young guns who suddenly appear and try to take charge and push their human rights agenda and what not? Where were they in 1999?”

He was underlining the grouses against the newly tacked-on supporters who Salehuddin described as opportunists who have hijacked the party for their own agenda.

Salehuddin said he has been advising several disgruntled PKR members who are all his friends.

But he denied being the mastermind behind the group because, “I don't know how to bite people”.

Twice now, Salehuddin has been a silent presence while PKR elected representatives revealed their resignation from the party.

Early last month, Salehuddin was at a press conference called by Bayan Baru MP Zahrain Mohd Hashim (left) to say that he had left PKR.

At the time, Salehuddin remained silent, apart from telling reporters that he was only there “ in support of a friend”.

Speculation also surrounds the future of Bandar Bahru Kulim MP Zulkifli Noordin, who is facing a disciplinary hearing. However, he has said that he currently has no intention to resign.

news courtesy of Malaysiakini

NH Chan : The difference between justice and duty

When High Court judge Justice Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah rejected Anwar Ibrahim's application to recuse himself, this was his justification: (as quoted by the Star)

"If I recuse myself in such circumstances, it will mean I am running away from my responsibility as a judge. A judge who has taken an oath of office should not evade from carrying out the duty which has been entrusted upon him."

What utter nonsense is this judge talking about? He is confusing the duty of a judge with what is judicial bias. The epitome of justice is the fair trial, and the duty of the judge is to do justice according to law.

These are the twin pillars of justice - the fair trial, and the duty to apply the law of the land as it is. These are separate entities. Together, they are what the rule of law is all about.

For there to be a fair trial the judge must be fair-minded himself and in a court of law he must exude an appearance of impartiality - for justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. In his autobiography Patrick Hastings (one of the great advocates of his day before and shortly after WW2) wrote:

"There is one essential feature in every trial that is only too frequently forgotten. In the interest of the community the one matter of importance is that all parties should be satisfied that they have had a fair and impartial trial."

Strict impartiality essential

Hastings also mentioned in the same book a fine example of what a judge should be - Lord Reading. He regarded the latter as the "best Lord Chief Justice I have ever known".

"His real claim to recognition during the period of his office as head of the King's Bench Division lay in his inflexible determination that no litigant should leave his court dissatisfied with the conduct of his trial. No one has ever left Lord Reading's court who could raise one word of complaint against the presiding judge.

His courtesy, his strict impartiality, above all his obvious determination that fair play as English men and women understand it should be maintained from beginning to end left an undoubted mark upon the courts during his period of office, and on which I sincerely hope will never be effaced," wrote Hastings in the aforementioned autobiography.

In contrast, if Lord Reading was the yardstick for fairness and impartiality, you could not look but askance at Malaysian judge Mohamad Zabidin who did not even know the difference between fair play and duty.

Karpal Singh (left) had sought the judge's disqualification over an alleged bias in dismissing Anwar's application to cite or caution Utusan Malaysia over its unfair coverage of the trial.

Surely that is not too hard a request? The least any judge would have done is to caution Utusan over its unfair coverage of the trial. Otherwise, one party would be dissatisfied that they have had a fair and impartial trial.

Instead this judge gave short shrift to Karpal's application. Not only did he refuse to disqualify himself, he gave the wrong reason for it.

He said the facts must show a reasonable man would think there was a possibility the judge would make his decision not based on the evidence adduced in court but on other considerations. But what has the evidence got to do with the question of judicial bias?

The fact that the judge knows next to nothing about judicial bias, as in this case, is grounds for setting aside the conviction had the judge found Anwar Ibrahim guilty at the end of the trial. This is because he had never considered whether there was a real likelihood or danger of bias.

Judicial bias explained

The best explanation of the law on judicial bias is that given by Lord Denning MR in Metropolitan Properties Co (FGC) Ltd v Lannon [1969] I QB 577. An extract of the speech can also be found in The Discipline of Law, p 86:

"A man may be disqualified from sitting in a judicial capacity on one of two grounds. First, a 'direct pecuniary interest' in the subject matter. Second, 'bias' in favour of one side or against the other."

But to show that there was a real likelihood or danger of bias, there must be circumstances from which a reasonable person would think it likely or probable that the tribunal would, or did, favour one side unfairly at the expense of the other. This is how Lord Denning explains it in The Discipline of Law, at p 87:

"Surmise or conjecture is not enough. There must be circumstances from which a reasonable man would think it likely or probable, that the justice, or chairman, as the case may be, would, or did, favour one side unfairly at the expense of the other.

The court will not enquire whether he did, in fact, favour one side unfairly. Suffice it that reasonable people might think he did. The reason is plain enough. Justice must be rooted in confidence: and confidence is destroyed when right-minded people go away thinking: "The judge is biased."

Too easy to denounce bad judges

Now back to the present subject of discussion.

Applying these principles, it does not matter whether the judge did, in fact, favour one side unfairly against the accused Anwar Ibrahim. It is sufficient if reasonable people think the judge did side with a pro-government newspaper by not moving against it - Karpal would have been satisfied with a rebuke and apology.

Yet, the judge turned down such a simple request. The fact that the newspaper is not government-owned makes no difference. Justice must be rooted in confidence and confidence is destroyed when right-minded people go away thinking: "The judge is biased."

It is so easy in this country to denounce a judge as a bad judge. This case is a classic example.

The judge did not know the law on judicial bias while the rest of us ordinary people, who have been apprised of the law by this article, know what judicial bias means.

But only in this country can one find incompetent judges. You don't find mediocre judges in Singapore or elsewhere in a common law country. It is not possible to fault a Singaporean judge for incompetence because he knows the law. The moral of this unsavoury episode is this: if you appoint mediocre lawyers to the Bench you will get substandard judges.

From what we have experienced so far from the Perak takeover cases, the quality of most of our judges is suspect. In the meantime what should we do with so many bad apples in the barrel? If only the opposition won in the next general election, then we could get rid of all the bad apples through Parliament.

article written by NH CHAN who was admitted to the Bar in 1961 and was a lawyer for almost two decades before becoming a High Court judge. He was then elevated to the Court of Appeal before retiring in 2000. He is the author of two books, 'Judging the Judges' (2007) and 'How to Judge the Judges'. Courtesy of Malaysiakini.